I remember well the Dakota Access Pipeline protests of 2016-2017. I wrote about them here and I wrote about Native American views about energy projects here. The protests galvanized Native American views against fossil fuel projects in general and this project in particular. I pointed out at the time that many Native Americans and tribes did not support the protests or at least supported some fossil fuel projects, and many tribes were involved in their own oil and gas projects and companies. The protests went on for months and many Native Americans saw them as a kind of spiritual uprising against the imperialistic demands of modern business. In any case, the protest came to be about much more than that single pipeline.
The company building the
pipeline, Energy Transfer Partners, made some bad decisions to try and stop the
protesters, such as bringing in trained and vicious dogs to try to intimidate
them. However, the protesters made bad decisions too, such as the ones who
damaged equipment and shut-in pipeline valves. Ironically, the protesters who
stayed at the site for many months also caused a lot of local environmental
damage that took months and millions of dollars to clean up. Big-name
politicians like the Green Party presidential candidate Jill Stein came to the
site to speak out against pipelines. Some Native Americans evoked a legend of a
black snake to declare oil pipelines as a kind of evil. As noted, this
particular protest was about more than an oil pipeline. It was also about
Native American rights and fellowship. However, I did not like the mixing of
Native American sovereignty and rights with radical environmentalism and the
merging of these two movements through Progressive political ideas like “extractivism,”
colonialism, and anti-corporatism. To be honest, I don’t recall much about
Greenpeace being involved but apparently, they were.
The pipeline began operations
in mid-2017. It now transports about 5% of U.S. daily oil
production.
The protests were organized
by Standing Rock and other Sioux tribes and supported by more than 300
sovereign tribal nations and inspired an international solidarity movement
after Energy Transfer’s private security unleashed attack dogs and pepper spray
against nonviolent protesters.
Lawyers for the plaintiff
stated that Greenpeace deliberately disseminated false and misleading
information to incite fear, disrupt operations, and inflict economic harm.
Attorney Steven Donziger, a
human rights and environmental lawyer, and a columnist for the Guardian wrote
about the unusual trial against Greenpeace that he was
“…part of an independent monitoring team of nine attorneys
and four prominent human rights advocates who sat through every minute of the
three-week trial, in a nondescript courthouse in rural North Dakota. Energy
Transfer sued Greenpeace for alleged damages it claimed derived from the
historic Indigenous-led Standing Rock protests in 2016 against the Dakota
Access pipeline. Our presence in court was essential given that the company was
able to shroud the trial in secrecy. There was no court reporter and there
still is no public transcript or recording of the proceedings.”
He claims the trial was unfair.
“The legendary US human rights attorney Marty Garbus, a
member of our team who has practiced law for more than six decades and who
represented Nelson Mandela and Václav Havel, said it was the most unfair trial
he had ever witnessed. This is precisely why many of us on the monitoring team
believe there is a good chance Greenpeace will not pay the first dollar of the
judgment and might actually recoup significant damages from Energy Transfer in
a separate case in Europe. That case, currently being heard in Dutch courts,
would entitle Greenpeace to compensation based on a finding that the North
Dakota case is an illegitimate attempt to squelch free speech.”
“Many legal observers and first amendment scholars
regard the North Dakota case as a Slapp harassment lawsuit. Slapps – strategic
lawsuits against public participation – are designed not to resolve legitimate
legal claims but to use courts to intimidate, silence and even bankrupt
adversaries. By their very nature, they violate the constitution because they
trespass on the first amendment right to speech. Allowing these cases to
proceed almost always saddles the target with backbreaking legal expenses that
can silence even the most resilient leaders and organizations.”
Donziger goes on to say that Energy Transfer’s billionaire
CEO Kelsy Warren, noted the case was not about recovering money but about
sending a message. The case was previously filed in federal court but was
thrown out in 2019. At the time:
“Energy Transfer openly claimed Greenpeace had engaged
in a racketeering conspiracy and “terrorism” by speaking out against the
pipeline and by conducting training in non-violent direct action at the site.
The company quickly refiled the case in the more friendly confines of state
court. Literally every judge in the judicial district where it was filed
recused themselves because of conflicts of interest.”
Greenpeace’s requests to move the trial out of the county
where many of the jurors had ties to the fossil fuel industry were denied.
Donziger notes that in a pre-trial survey, 97% of residents in the county said
they could not be fair to Greenpeace. Perhaps I don’t recall Greenpeace’s
involvement because it was quite minimal, as Donziger explains below:
“Adding to the absurdity, Greenpeace was blamed for the
entire protest movement even though it played only a minimal role. The protests
were led by the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, on whose ancestral land the Dakota
Access pipeline was being built. In fact, only six of the 100,000 people who
came to the protests were from Greenpeace – yet Energy Transfer was able to
convince the jury to hold the organization responsible for every dollar of
supposed damages that occurred over seven months of protests.”
Greenpeace was invited by the Standing Rock Sioux tribe
leading the protests.
“Greenpeace was consistently – and, in our opinion,
falsely – portrayed by the Energy Transfer lawyer Trey Cox as a criminal
enterprise that exploited Indigenous peoples for its own gain. He used words
such as “mafia” and “coded language” to describe the group’s operations.”
However, Donziger also notes that Greenpeace may yet get
through this unscathed:
“A hearing is scheduled for July in Amsterdam in the
Greenpeace lawsuit against Energy Transfer. If Greenpeace prevails on appeal in
North Dakota and wins in Europe, it might be Energy Transfer paying substantial
sums to Greenpeace rather than the other way around.”
The result of the North
Dakota trial is that Greenpeace was ordered to pay $667 million to Energy
Transfer Partners. They were accused of “defamation, trespassing, and
orchestrating a campaign of disruption.” An article by Mark Harris in
Survival World asks the question:
“If fossil fuel giants can sue protest groups into
financial ruin, what’s to stop future corporations from using similar tactics
to suppress opposition?”
He notes that the case is about free speech vs. defamation:
“The legal core of the case revolves around whether
Greenpeace’s speech and actions were protected under the First Amendment – or
whether they crossed into defamatory territory.”
He writes:
“There’s something both sobering and alarming about this
verdict. On one hand, if activist organizations are found to deliberately
mislead the public or incite destruction, then accountability should follow.
But $667 million? That’s not just a fine – it’s a death sentence. It’s
impossible to ignore how this could be used as a blueprint for silencing
opposition under the weight of massive financial risk. If the goal is to uphold
the law, justice must be balanced – not weaponized.”
He thinks that this verdict, which will be appealed, is a
case that may decide the future of protest in America. I agree with him that
the massive payout is overkill and designed to squelch large public protests,
but I think this case is not a normal one – there have been few large-scale
protests like it – and there are not likely to be in the future. One reason is
that as mentioned it was combined with ethnic minority rights. In that sense,
it was also an environmental justice issue. However, the likelihood of exposure
to contaminants was always very small. Pipelines are the safest, cleanest, and
cheapest way to transport hydrocarbons, and we need hydrocarbons. The protest
was based on overestimated dangers. The protesters themselves caused
significant environmental damage with tire burning, waste, and trash on the
rural site for months. Is this massive verdict meant to suppress dissent, to
make radical groups think twice about being overly bold in pursuit of their
goals? No doubt. Is it a suppression of free speech? Probably. Is it fair that
some damages should be paid? Probably, though maybe not so much to Greenpeace.
Greenpeace trained protesters for “direct action” maneuvers, which often meant
having to be physically stopped or removed by police. For such actions, people
are often arrested. However, they are not often charged hefty fines, designed
to ruin them financially so they won’t do it again. No, we do have a right to
free protest in the U.S.
There has been talk of
bankrupting Greenpeace, which is funded by donations. However, Deepa
Padmanabha, Greenpeace’s senior legal adviser, noted just before the trial:
“Energy Transfer and the fossil fuel industry do not
understand the difference between entities and movements. You can’t bankrupt
the movement. You can’t silence the movement. There will be a backlash and a
price to pay when you pursue these kinds of tactics. People power is more
powerful.”
An article by David Zaruk in
Genetic Literacy Project explores the “global future for
science-rejectionist NGOs” in light of the verdict. He notes that
Greenpeace has been struggling with fundraising and was struggling to recover
from unpopular legacy campaigns against Golden Rice and nuclear energy. Zaruk
also points out that NGOs like Greenpeace are often funded through dark money
by foundations. For Greenpeace, this includes the Rockefeller Brothers,
Packard, and Merck and Hewlett. He asks:
“Why didn’t the Energy Transfer lawyers just sue the
Rockefeller Brothers foundation instead of Greenpeace? If the Albertan
government Allan Inquiry taught us anything, they were likely the ones pulling
the strings behind the scenes at Standing Rock. It seems that NGOs like
Greenpeace are just acting as front groups for the real campaigns going on
below the surface.”
“The message is that what industry wants is to put NGOs
out of business (although ironically, that is precisely what Greenpeace wants
to do to industry). The optical illusion is even stronger when another set of
victims, the Native American tribes, are also brought in.”
He thinks the current model of radical NGOs like Greenpeace
being funded via dark money donations by wealthy foundations, though successful
in the past, is unsustainable. The model of the NGO being the fall guy for
hidden wealthy donors, he says, shows that the model needs to
change.
References:
Greenpeace
Could Face Bankruptcy After $660M Defamation Verdict. Mark Harris. Survival
World. March 31, 2025. Greenpeace Could Face Bankruptcy
After $660M Defamation Verdict
Climate
Fallout: Jury Delivers Blow to Greenpeace. Jennifer White. Sacramento Bee.
March 30, 2025. Climate Fallout: Jury Delivers Blow
to Greenpeace
I was
an independent observer in the Greenpeace trial. What I saw was shocking. Steven
Donziger. The Guardian. March 28, 2025. I was an independent observer in the
Greenpeace trial. What I saw was shocking | Steven Donziger | The Guardian
Fossil
fuel firm’s $300m trial against Greenpeace to begin: ‘Weaponizing the judicial
system’. Nina Lakhani and Rachel Leingang. The Guardian. February 20, 2025. Fossil fuel firm’s $300m trial
against Greenpeace to begin: ‘Weaponizing the judicial system’ | Dakota Access
pipeline | The Guardian
Viewpoint—Greenpeace’s
conviction and humiliation in the pipeline court case raises the question:
What’s the global future for science-rejectionist NGOs? David Zaruk. Genetic
Literacy Project. April 1, 2025. Viewpoint—Greenpeace’s conviction and
humiliation in the pipeline court case raises the question: What’s the global
future for science-rejectionist NGOs? - Genetic Literacy Project
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