Rule 1: The Rejection of the ‘Chevron Doctrine’
According to Microsoft
Copilot (AI) and Ballotpedia the so-called Chevron Doctrine, also known as te
Chevron deference refers to an “administrative law principle that compelled
federal courts to defer to a federal agency's interpretation of an ambiguous or
unclear statute that Congress delegated to the agency to administer.”
“The principle derives its name from the 1984 U.S.
Supreme Court case Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council,
Inc. which concerned disagreement over a change in the Environmental Protection
Agency's interpretation of a permitting provision of the Clean Air Act of 1977.
The case established a two-step review approach used by courts to analyze an
agency's legal interpretations. Under the review process, courts considered Congress'
clear intent in passing a law and (if the court found ambiguities in the law)
whether an agency's rule was reasonably construed and not arbitrary,
capricious, or manifestly contrary to the statute.”
Thus, the ending of applying the doctrine in practice ends a
40-year precedent. Basically, it gives the regulatory agency the benefit of the
doubt in interpretation when there is ambiguity or uncertainty.
“The Supreme Court ruled on June 28, 2024, in Loper
Bright and Relentless to overturn the Chevron deference doctrine, holding that
federal courts may not defer to an agency’s interpretation of an ambiguous
statute.”
This changes a long-standing legal precedent. Basically,
it takes away interpretation powers from the regulatory experts which in most
cases will give corporate and industry experts more power of interpretation. Scientists
work for regulatory agencies. Scientists also work for corporations and in
industry. Andrew Mergin of Harvard Law School thinks the change will result in
many new “challenges to government regulations in the environmental area in
food safety, in the health care, health care administration.” It seems like
the change will make it easier for companies to challenge the EPA.
Conservatives
have argued that the doctrine has mostly been used to support regulations put
in place by Democrats. Changing regulations with changing administrations is
very common and brings regulatory instability and uncertainty. Mergin thinks
the business community is split on the rule, much like in other environmental disagreements
such as how some car companies support EPA rules and others don’t.
According to
some the doctrine was instituted by judicial activists to give power to unelected
bureaucrats, or so-called experts. Many are scientific experts. Conservatives
argue that the doctrine took power away from the legislative branch in law-making
and gave it to these unelected bureaucrats in an administrative state that
issues statutes. It is a fair argument to say that regulatory scientists should
not be lawmakers. They should be advisors for sure, but according them
automatic deference does seem as if it can tip the scales in favor of the
regulators own preferences. Conservatives are lauding the SCOTUS decision as a
restoration of the balance of constitutional powers and a limit to the power of
the administrative state which is sometimes called the fourth branch of
government. With Trump saying at the recent debate, he wanted regulation cuts
to go with tax cuts, the ruling comes at a time that can help that goal, for
better or worse. The ruling gives more power to judges to interpret laws based
on science with which they may be unfamiliar. Thus, conservative judges would
be more likely to rule one way and liberal judges another way, ensuring another
clearly marked left-right divide. Will there be more lawsuits and challenges to
the EPA? It seems likely.
“It is important to note that while the majority
opinion listed several ways in which Chevron was wrongly decided and
impractical, that doesn’t mean that an agency’s expertise is unimportant or
immaterial, just that it shouldn’t be determinative. What this means is simply
that on something the agency knows more about — usually technically or
factually — than anyone else, it will be listened to. But if the agency is
trying to tell the world what an act of Congress means, a court is welcome to
show up and say, “Au contraire.””
He thinks that the energy industry will be most affected by
the new ruling and that the Biden administration’s ambitious regulatory agenda
for decarbonizing power plants and industry will be curbed. He also notes that
the decision would make it harder for the executive branch to make new rules
such as the executive orders to roll back and re-interpret statutes that are
clearly in the works if Trump is elected. Anything specifically authorized by
Congress will be more difficult to change. In her dissent, Justice Elena Kagan opined
that Congress assigned decision-making authority to the agencies and not to the
judicial branch. The ruling may help ward off challenges to projects invoking the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) and other statutes that have been
used extensively to sue, delay, and increase costs for many infrastructure
projects, especially energy projects like pipelines.
Energy writer
Robert Bryce notes that the decision will ease requirements on speeding up the retirement of coal-fired plants and ease the restrictions on building new
gas-fired plants. Bryce argues that the Biden administration EPA has been out of control, citing cumbersome new rules on climate financial disclosures, tailpipe
emissions from automobiles, power plant emissions, and a complex rule about
high voltage transmission. Bryce gives a quote about the decision from Meredith
Angwin, author of’ Shorting the Grid,’ a good book that I have read:
“In recent years, agencies have taken the Chevron
deference too far. Agencies are not just interpreting Congress’s intent, they
are adding their own de facto laws. Ending the Chevron deference can be a
useful corrective. For example, Congress would be unlikely to pass a law
requiring coal plants to shut down, but under the Chevron deference, EPA made
rules that basically require coal plants to shut down. I have noticed that
legal issues tend to swing from one extreme to another. Over-deference to the
agencies may be followed by over-deference to non-technical judges. However, I
think that the end of the Chevron deference gives us an opportunity to reach a
middle ground.”
Thus, she thinks the new ruling will make things fairer
in the long run as well as curbing agencies like the EPA from enacting statutes
that are difficult and costly for companies to achieve compliance. Electric
reliability will be less threatened, power costs for consumers will be less likely
to rise in the near term, and energy project viability will be less subject to
regulatory hurdles. Thus, I tend to agree with Angwin that a middle ground will
be the result of the ruling. I don’t believe that the ruling will affect our
goals toward decarbonization, except to slow them down a bit, which in several ways
can be a smarter approach by not getting ahead of technology, preserving power
reliability, and curbing mandates that are too excessive.
Rule 2: A Hold on The EPA’s ‘Good Neighbor Rule’
The so-called
Good Neighbor rule provides for those who are downwind of a polluting source in
another state and regulates the polluters from the other state. The Good
Neighbor rule is a provision of the Clean Air Act and the latest version
finalized in March 2023 is an update to the rule. It is a sensible rule in principle
since a state boundary should obviously not be a place where pollution rules
change. Pollution is an established public health concern, and it should be
regulated fairly and evenly. A major aspect of the rule is that it “requires
that the state submit documentation to the EPA showing how it is reducing air
pollution drifting into other nearby states, known as a “good neighbor” plan.”
That really seems like a reasonable request of the polluter. Submit
documentation about reducing pollution. There are many ways to reduce pollution
including making operations more efficient, technology improvements, using less
polluting energy sources, adding and optimizing abatement equipment, monitoring
and leak detection, bettering air emissions capturing, reducing downtime of emissions
control systems, and more. As for the legal arguments for putting the rule on
hold, I am not sure of the details of the case. SCOTUS deferred the case for a
lower court to decide.
“Building on the long and successful track record of
EPA’s CSAPR ozone season trading program, this program will secure significant
reductions in ozone-forming pollution.”
The EPA’s final
Good Neighbor Plan was issued in March 2023:
“The Good Neighbor Plan ensures that 23 states meet the Clean Air Act’s “Good Neighbor” requirements by reducing pollution that significantly contributes to problems attaining and maintaining EPA’s health-based air quality standard for ground-level ozone (or “smog”), known as the 2015 Ozone National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS), in downwind states.”
The chief
pollutant that contributes to ground level ozone, or smog, is NOx, or nitrogen
oxides. Burning coal in power plants or in industries like steel production is
a major source of NOx. Oil, natural gas, and biomass also produce NOx.
Combustion is the source of NOx.
Those who
oppose the rule have argued that it can make local power grids less reliable.
EPA addresses that issue by saying they have made several adjustments to the
pollution reduction requirements to promote grid stability based on feedback
from affected power plants and other stakeholders. EPA also put out a fact
sheet detailing all they have done and are doing to address power reliability
and to make the rule as flexible as possible for those that need to comply. Those
measures are of several varieties: 1) a flexible NOx allowance
trading program – this builds on cross-state pollution rules and
frameworks in place since 1995. It also allows choice of abatement technology; 2)
full engagement with stakeholders to develop the rule –
this was done to develop achievable emissions limits and compliance deadlines
that can accord with power generators reliability planning and concerns. Other
parties were engaged in these series of meetings including system operators, reliability
organizations, the DOE, and the FERC; 3) rules were made
more lenient for some – providing “greater compliance flexibility
for power plants by deferring “backstop” emission rate requirements for plants
that currently do not have state-of-the-art controls until no later than 2030.”
They also enhanced allowance availability and allowed power generators to bank
allowances at a higher level through 2030 and to establish a predictable
minimum quantity of allowances through 2029. These keep the incentives; 4)
additional flexibility was added based on the meetings - this includes changing how emissions budgets
were determined, a more gradual phase-in of emissions reduction, and limits
penalties for non-compliance; 5) a memorandum of understanding
between the DOE and the EPA to cooperate more on power reliability.
The National
Rural Electric Cooperative Association (NRECA) said that electric co-ops applauded
the ruling as a boon to electric reliability. The co-ops, which can be
coal-heavy, are more vulnerable to having difficulties financing emissions
reductions investments due to limited access to capital. They refer to the rule
as the Ozone Transport Rule. They argue that they can now retain their coal
plants longer and use them more, which will improve reliability by providing
enough dispatchable and baseload power. NRECA represents 900 electric co-ops often
in rural areas.
Further details add
several heavy industries in 20 states to the rule:
NOX Emissions Standards for Nine Large Industries in
20 States
“Beginning in the 2026 ozone season, EPA is setting
enforceable NOX emissions control requirements for existing and new emissions
sources in industries that are estimated to have significant impacts on
downwind air quality and the ability to install cost-effective pollution
controls. These standards would collectively achieve an approximately 15%
reduction in NOx emissions from 2019 ozone season, point source emissions. The
reduction in NOx emissions comes from the following types of emissions sources:
o reciprocating internal combustion engines in Pipeline
Transportation of Natural Gas;
o kilns in Cement and Cement Product Manufacturing;
o reheat furnaces in Iron and Steel Mills and Ferroalloy
Manufacturing;
o furnaces in Glass and Glass Product Manufacturing;
o boilers in Iron and Steel Mills and Ferroalloy
Manufacturing, Metal Ore Mining, Basic Chemical Manufacturing, Petroleum and
Coal Products Manufacturing, and Pulp, Paper, and Paperboard Mills; and
o combustors and incinerators in Solid Waste Combustors
or Incinerators.”
EPA may extend compliance deadline further out for some of
those companies. EPA notes that the states of Arizona, Iowa, Kansas, and New
Mexico are heavily contributing to downwind NOx in adjacent states. The goal of
the rule is to substantially reduce summertime ozone levels. We have had several
high ozone alerts in 2024 due to the recent heat dome heatwave where people
were advised to avoid driving during the day to keep levels down. I remember
these requests were given in California and Texas and perhaps more states as
well. EPA argues that the benefits in improved health outcomes far exceed the
costs to companies. They also note co-benefits “including improving
visibility in national and state parks and increasing protection for sensitive
ecosystems, coastal waters and estuaries, and forests.”
As for the legal
details of the Good Neighbor rule, I have less certainty. The Supreme Court’s
pause of the rule suggests that the conservative majority is not happy with the
rule as currently interpreted and may seek to change it. Since coal burning is
a major source of cross-state air pollution the hold on the rule could delay some
coal plant retirements.
References:
Chevron
deference (doctrine). Ballotpedia. Chevron
deference (doctrine) - Ballotpedia
The
far-reaching implications of the Supreme Court’s decision curbing regulatory
power. PBS Newshour. June 28, 2024. The
far-reaching implications of the Supreme Court’s decision curbing regulatory
power | PBS News
Supreme
Court's pause of “good neighbor” air quality rule praised by U.S. Steel, panned
by environmental groups. Steve Bohnel. Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. July 1, 2024. Supreme
Court's pause of “good neighbor” air quality rule praised by U.S. Steel, panned
by environmental groups (msn.com)
EPA’s
“Good Neighbor” Plan Cuts Ozone Pollution – Overview Fact Sheet. U.S. EPA. https://www.epa.gov/system/files/documents/2023-03/Final%20Good%20Neighbor%20Rule%20Fact%20Sheet_0.pdf
The
Good Neighbor Plan And Reliable Electricity. U.S. EPA. March 2023. Reliability
and the Good Neighbor Rule.pdf (epa.gov)
Good Neighbor Plan for 2015 Ozone NAAQS. Cross-State Air
Pollution. U.S. EPA. Good
Neighbor Plan for 2015 Ozone NAAQS | US EPA
Chevron Doctrine goes down and the Constitution is back! Hannah
Cox. Video post on LinkedIn.
Electric Co-ops Applaud SCOTUS Emergency Stay of EPA Ozone
Transport Rule, a Major Threat to Reliability.
Electric Co-ops Applaud SCOTUS Emergency Stay of EPA Ozone
Transport Rule, a Major Threat to Reliability. National Rural Electric
Cooperative Association. June 27, 2024. Electric
Co-ops Applaud SCOTUS Emergency Stay of EPA Ozone Transport Rule, a Major
Threat to Reliability - America's Electric Cooperatives
Stop! In The Name Of Love - Supreme Court Throws Out 'Chevron
Deference,' Upends Regulatory Law. Jason Lindquist. RBN Energy Blog. July 1,
2024. Stop! In the Name of Love - Supreme Court Throws Out
'Chevron Deference,' Upends Regulatory Law | RBN Energy
Supreme Court Axes Chevron Deference, Spanks Federal
Bureaucracy. Robert Bryce. Substack. July 1, 2024. Supreme Court Axes Chevron Deference, Spanks Federal
Bureaucracy (substack.com)
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